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The Campaign Union
championed the Constitutional Union ticket of John Bell, the
presidential nominee from Tennessee, and Edward Everett, the
vice-presidential nominee from Massachusetts.
The Boston Courier published the party organ initially
every Friday, and then twice weekly during the last few weeks of the
campaign. HarpWeek is
making available 11 issues dated between July 27 and October 26, 1860.
In its inaugural issue of
July 27, The Campaign Union was already on the defensive
against the Republican Party’s boast that its candidate, Abraham
Lincoln, was already assured of winning the presidential election.
The journal dismissed the claim as mere “baseless
expectations … [not] resting upon existing political facts.”
However, it admitted that the hopes of Constitutional Unionists
relied on the assumption that the election would be decided in the
House of Representatives, where Bell would be the likely winner.
It predicted that Bell would win several (perhaps a majority)
of the slave states (because of the divided Democratic Party), and
Lincoln would lose the free states of California, Indiana, and New
Jersey. Thus, Bell would
finish second to Lincoln in the Electoral College, but the lack of any
candidate’s majority would send the election to the U.S. House.
The Electoral College
scenario was the subject of an informative newspaper debate between
the Boston Daily Advertiser, a Republican journal, and the Boston
Courier, parent publication of The Campaign Union, which
reprinted the detailed arguments of both sides.
The Daily Advertiser pointed out that the Constitutional
provision for presidential election by the House was intended to be
the exception, not the rule as the Bell forces were trying to make it.
Furthermore, the vote cast by congressmen elected two years
before the 1860 presidential election, and on a basis of state
equality (unlike the Electoral College), would thwart the public will.
The Courier responded that dubious tactics at the
Republican Convention had forced the nomination of Lincoln, and that
election by the people’s representatives in the House was fully in
accord with the framers’ intentions and was no less democratic than
one by electors. The
debate also provides a glimpse into the morals of the time in the Courier’s
chastisement of the Advertiser for using horseracing slang,
“the inside track.”
Numerous
speeches of both supporters and opponents are printed, excerpted, or
paraphrased in The Campaign Union.
The newspaper often used the orations of Washington Hunt, the
former governor of New York (1851-1853), to present the Constitutional
Union perspective. Hunt
reasoned that the other three parties were sectional in nature,
leaving only the Constitutional Union able to “claim to be purely
national in its character and principles.”
He defended the vagueness of the Constitutional Union platform:
“The paramount object of the Convention was to arrest strife
and proclaim peace and union between the sections.
Instead of wasting time in contriving the ambiguities of a
platform to delude and mislead the people, they resolved to stand by
the Union as it is, and abide by the Constitution according to its
true indent and meaning.” He
argued that the issue of slavery was a false one because the remaining
American territories were not suitable to slave labor (a view also
held by Stephen Douglas).
Nevertheless, The Campaign
Union took considerable space to link the Republican Party with
abolitionism, including the violence of John Brown.
It analyzed the Republican platform to reveal it as a deceptive
document intended to placate abolitionists, and charged that
Republican state governments were acting unconstitutionally by not
cooperating in the return of fugitive slaves.
The journal criticized the Massachusetts legislature for
supporting Charles Sumner, the leading abolitionist in the U.S.
Senate, and made a sustained effort to associate John Andrews, the
Republican gubernatorial candidate, with support of Brown.
The Campaign Union
recognized a non-abolitionist element in the Republican Party,
primarily those in the Midwest and West who wanted blacks excluded
from their communities. However,
the newspaper insisted that abolitionist forces dominated the
Republican Party. On the
one hand, the publication accused Republicans of fostering racial
equality and equal rights, while on the other, it charged them with
hypocrisy for demeaning blacks in their personal lives.
Senator William Henry Seward of New York was presented as
two-faced for acting as a conservative constitutionalist in
Washington, while arousing abolitionist sentiments on the campaign
trail. As the November
election approached, the newspaper printed warnings from Southern
newspapers and correspondence that victory for Lincoln would be
considered an act of war.
The
Campaign Union
contained many reports on the formation of Bell/Everett clubs and
other news of the campaign. Little
was printed of or from the candidates themselves, but a lengthy,
patriotic oration delivered on Independence Day by Everett did appear.
When the newspaper began twice-weekly editions in September, it
added non-campaign news. These
included items on the Italian War of Independence; a war in New
Zealand between English colonists and native Maoris; American tours by
the Prince of Wales and Japanese diplomats; mechanical, agricultural,
and horticultural fairs; the 1860 census; and the overproduction of
the apple crop. Considerable
attention was paid to William Walker’s final filibuster
(paramilitary intervention) in Central America, which was compared to
John Brown’s raid at Harper’s Ferry, implicitly tarring the
Republicans.
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